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- When will they listen?
On August 13, 2024, I told the world of Serial Domestic Violence Serial Offenders in Springfield...future killers! In October 2024, I read off the name, Raymond Scott, to Commissioner Tracy Tackett. SDVC identified him as a serial domestic violence offender. Now Raymond Scott, 27, of Springfield, was indicted on charges of aggravated murder, murder, aggravated burglary, strangulation, and felonious assault for the February 15, 2025, Murder of Kaleena Bentley. Someone, please tell me, what is it going to take for people to listen to hard facts? How many more Women need to die?
- Springfield Domestic Violence Coalition Raises Concerns Over Accuracy of City Gun Violence Data
SPRINGFIELD, OH – April 3, 2025 – The Springfield Domestic Violence Coalition (SDVC) today released findings from its critical examination of gun-related arrest data in Springfield, Ohio, between January 1, 2021, and December 31, 2023. The SDVC white paper highlights significant concerns regarding the data presented by Mr. Caleb Perkins, the Gun Violence Prevention Coordinator for the Office for Individual Change (OIC). The SDVC’s analysis, which focused on 500 unique individuals arrested for gun-related offenses, revealed inconsistencies and a lack of methodological rigor in Mr. Perkins’ reporting to the Springfield City Commissioners. The coalition found that Mr. Perkins demonstrated a fundamental misunderstanding of basic criminology concepts, including the conflation of “incidents,” “arrests,” and “charges.” Furthermore, the SDVC’s review of the OIC representative’s grant reports allegedly uncovered numerous errors, including formatting, mathematical, and data inconsistencies. Notably, the SDVC identified discrepancies in arrest/identity counts and a complete absence of crucial demographic data within these reports. The SDVC’s meticulous analysis of the raw data identified 500 unique individuals arrested for gun-related offenses, with 80 individuals identified as re-offenders. This figure directly contradicts Mr. Perkins’ inflated count of offenders presented to the city. The SDVC’s examination also revealed that a significant portion of gun violence in Springfield involves individuals in their early twenties, despite the OIC grant’s focus on “youth.” Analysis of the criminal history of arrested individuals aged 18 and over indicated a high number of lifetime criminal cases, suggesting a critical need to address the underlying factors contributing to this behavior. The SDVC contends that Mr. Perkins has not provided sufficient data to substantiate claims that youth gun violence is significantly impacting the community. The Springfield Domestic Violence Coalition is deeply concerned by the discrepancies and lack of rigor identified in the OIC’s reported gun violence data. Accurate and reliable data is essential for developing effective strategies to address gun violence in our community. The SDVC urges the Springfield City Commissioners to carefully consider these findings and calls for a thorough review of the data collection and reporting methods employed by the Office for Individual Change. About the Springfield Domestic Violence Coalition (SDVC): The Springfield Domestic Violence Coalition (SDVC) is a dedicated organization committed to ending domestic violence and promoting safety and justice for victims in the Springfield, Ohio, community. READ THE REPORT - PDF BELOW
- ANALYSIS OF THE SPRINGFIELD POLICE DEPARTMENT INCIDENT AND CRIME REPORT DISCLOSURE
March 13th, 2025, the Springfield Police Department (SPD) INTRODUCTION On Thursday, March 13th, 2025, the Springfield Police Department (SPD) in Ohio detained two Black individuals, an event that has drawn public concern . This incident occurred within a societal context where policing practices are increasingly subject to scrutiny due to the widespread availability of body-worn cameras, social media platforms, and personal cell phones capable of recording interactions. Simultaneously, the Springfield Domestic Violence Coalition (SDVC) has been engaged in advocacy for nearly two years, requesting the disclosure of annual crime reports from the SPD. This request, aimed at obtaining comprehensive data on criminal activity within the city, has been met with resistance, as the City of Springfield's legal department has stated that there are no legal grounds to provide such reports to the public. This report will analyze the events of the March 13th detention, examine the role of contemporary transparency mechanisms in such incidents, contextualize the police interaction with statistical data on non-compliance during police stops, and critically evaluate the legal basis for the City of Springfield's refusal to disclose annual crime reports to the SDVC. The analysis will also consider the significance of crime data for organizations like the SDVC in their efforts to address domestic violence and promote community safety. THE MARCH 13TH, 2025 INCIDENT, INITIAL REPORT AND 911 CALL The sequence of events leading to the detention of the two individuals began with a 911 call reporting that two individuals were pointing a gun at passing vehicles in the 600 block of East High Street, near York. The caller provided descriptions of the two people, stating that one was wearing a gray “jumpsuit” while the other was wearing a black top and shorts. This initial report, obtained through public records, formed the basis for the Springfield Police Division's response to the scene . The information relayed by the 911 caller, including the alleged firearm and the descriptions of the individuals, immediately framed the situation as a potentially high-risk encounter for responding officers. Upon arrival at the location, police officers in a cruiser were captured on footage telling the two individuals to stop walking . An officer then approached them and promptly issued a command to the person wearing a gray sweatsuit to "get your hand out of your [expletive] pants, now" . This immediate and forceful directive was met with protest from the individual, who questioned the officer's actions by asking, "what are you on?" . When the other individual, wearing a black sweatshirt, indicated his desire to take a photograph of the officer's badge, the officer responded dismissively, stating, "you don't need to worry about it" . The individual in the gray sweatsuit was subsequently handcuffed after repeatedly protesting the interaction . Body camera footage from the incident revealed an officer stating that they had not observed either person discarding any items before the police approached them . Throughout the initial phase of the encounter, police repeatedly asked the individual in gray for his name . The individual in the gray sweatsuit consistently denied possessing a gun and suggested that officers search his bag. He eventually provided his name and was released at the scene, indicating his intention to file a formal complaint against the officers . The individual wearing black also protested the interaction, stating that both he and his companion were being "illegally detained" . He refused to identify himself, asserting that he was not legally obligated to do so . An officer disagreed with this assertion, stating that the individual was obstructing the investigation. Consequently, the individual in black was detained in a cruiser and subsequently charged with failure to identify, resisting arrest, and obstructing official business . Following the incident, the Springfield Police Division issued a statement acknowledging the public concerns that had arisen, particularly after footage of the detention was shared online, leading some residents to question whether racial profiling was a factor . The police department stated that they were conducting a "thorough review" of the incident to ensure all facts were gathered and to maintain accuracy and transparency . They emphasized that while social media videos provided a partial view of the encounter, they did not capture the entirety of the event or the potential dangers officers believed they faced, given the initial report of a firearm-related threat . THE LANDSCAPE OF POLICE TRANSPARENCY IN 2025; BODY-WORN CAMERAS (BWCS) In 2025, body-worn cameras (BWCs) will become an increasingly common and expected tool for enhancing transparency and accountability in law enforcement. Advocates for BWCs highlight their potential to aid in officer training by allowing for post-incident review of performance, provide the public with greater insight into police actions, protect officers from false accusations by offering a documented record of events, and enhance the collection of evidence for arrests and prosecutions . Studies have indicated that the use of BWCs can lead to a reduction in the number of use-of-force reports and citizen complaints against officers . However, it is also important to acknowledge the potential limitations of BWC footage. The perspective captured by a camera lens may differ from an officer's actual perception during a dynamic and stressful encounter, and the interpretation of video evidence often requires careful consideration of context and human factors that influence decision-making . In the case of the Springfield incident, SPD policies regarding body-worn cameras were appropriately followed, with all interactions recorded with volume, and that the department believes there was no travesty or miscarriage of justice. While BWC footage provides a valuable visual record, the extent to which it ensures true transparency hinges on the policies governing its accessibility, review processes, and the degree to which both internal and external stakeholders can engage with this footage to understand the full context of events. Beyond official body-worn camera footage, social media platforms and the prevalence of cell phone recordings have significantly altered the landscape of police transparency in 2025. These readily available technologies empower individuals to document police encounters, share their perspectives in real-time, and contribute to a broader public discourse on law enforcement practices . Social media can act as a powerful tool for public oversight, allowing for candid assessments of police performance and providing a platform for individuals to share their experiences, both positive and negative . The rapid dissemination of information through these channels can quickly shape public opinion and increase vigilance towards police actions . However, this increased scrutiny can also present challenges for officers, who may feel unjustly judged based on partial or out-of-context video clips shared online . In the Springfield incident, the fact that footage taken by one of the detained individuals was posted online and led to questions about racial profiling underscores the significant role of citizen recordings in shaping public perception and prompting official responses . The balance between the benefits of increased transparency through social media and the potential for misinterpretation or the spread of incomplete narratives remains a critical consideration in the contemporary policing environment . CIVILIAN OVERSIGHT Civilian oversight agencies (COAs) represent another mechanism designed to enhance police accountability and foster public trust . These independent bodies can play a crucial role in reviewing police conduct, investigating complaints from the public, and recommending policy changes or disciplinary actions . Research suggests that the presence of COAs can contribute to a reduction in racial disparities in policing outcomes and an overall decrease in police homicides . By providing an external review process, COAs can increase the perceived legitimacy of police departments and demonstrate a commitment to holding officers accountable for their actions . The structure and authority of COAs can vary significantly, with some agencies having the power to conduct inde.pendent investigations and others primarily focusing on reviewing the findings of internal police inquiries . The effectiveness of a COA often depends on factors such as its independence, access to information, and the willingness of police leadership to implement its recommendations. NOTE: The City of Springfield established an independent Community Police Advisory Team (CAPT). The team is made up of nine community members appointed to study matters affecting and concerning the relationship between the Springfield Police Division (SPD) and members of the community. The official City of Springfield organization does not produce reports, meeting agendas, or public records. The organization does not publish meeting recommendations or a list of CAPT concerns regarding crime and law enforcement. Furthermore, this organization has no term limits or new member elections. Clearly the City of Springfield has an active BUT not effective civilian oversight mechanism which can not significantly influence public confidence in the thoroughness and impartiality of the review promised by the SPD regarding the March 13th incident. UNDERSTANDING NON-COMPLIANCE IN POLICE INTERACTIONS, COMMON NON-COMPLIANCE BEHAVIORS Statistical data from a survey of over 1,000 police officers provides insights into the prevalence of non-compliance during traffic stops . The most common non-compliant behavior reported by officers was the failure to follow commands, cited by 42% of respondents. This was followed by a failure to answer questions, which accounted for 24% of non-compliance instances, and a refusal to show a driver's license and other documents, reported at 10%. Non-Compliance Behavior Percentage Failure to follow commands 42% Failure to answer questions 24% Refusal to show driver's license etc. 10% The prevalence of "failure to follow commands" as the most common form of non-compliance suggests a complex interplay between police directives and civilian responses. It is possible that in some instances, individuals may not understand the commands, may be fearful or confused, or may perceive the commands as unlawful or unjustified, leading to a reluctance or inability to comply immediately. This highlights the importance of clear communication and de-escalation techniques by law enforcement officers to ensure understanding and encourage cooperation. The same survey data indicates that the types of traffic stops most likely to result in non-compliance are those involving suspicion of criminal intent, reported by 76% of officers, and impaired driving, cited by 66%. The Springfield incident originated from a 911 call reporting a firearm-related threat, which would likely fall under the category of "suspicion of criminal intent." This context is crucial because it statistically places the encounter within a higher-risk category for potential non-compliance compared to routine traffic stops for minor infractions. The officers' heightened level of caution and the more assertive approach observed in the initial moments of the interaction with the two individuals could be partly attributed to the nature of the reported threat and the statistical likelihood of encountering resistance in such situations. FACTORS INFLUENCING COMPLIANCE Whether individuals perceive the law as legitimate and hold trust in legal institutions significantly impacts their behavior during interactions with police officers. Also noteworthy is that civilians ultimately decide how they will behave towards police, and officers simultaneously make choices about how they will exercise their authority. Following the decision to intervene, officers' subsequent actions and choices, ranging from issuing a verbal warning to using deadly force, can either foster cooperation or escalate tensions. Research suggests that positive officer demeanor and the use of non-coercive verbal tactics are associated with a higher likelihood of suspect compliance . Conversely, accusatory language or displays of aggression can increase the likelihood of resistance. The initial interaction in the Springfield incident, with the officer's immediate and forceful command, could be interpreted as an exercise of authority that may not have prioritized de-escalation and could have contributed to the subsequent protests and lack of cooperation from the detained individuals. Studies examining resistance towards police during traffic stops and other encounters have revealed nuanced findings . One study indicated that non-White suspects were more likely to exhibit non-compliant behavior towards White officers, although not necessarily more aggressive forms of resistance such as verbal or physical aggression . This suggests that factors beyond overt aggression, such as a lack of trust or perceived unfair treatment, might contribute to non-compliance in certain demographic groups. Other research has explored the impact of officer communication tactics on suspect compliance, finding that a positive officer demeanor and the use of non-coercive language significantly increase the likelihood of cooperation . The narrative surrounding traffic stops often emphasizes the potential danger to police officers; however, research also indicates that violence against officers during routine traffic stops is relatively rare . The Springfield incident, involving the detention of two Black individuals by police responding to a report of a firearm, highlights the complexities of these interactions and the importance of considering both officer safety and the rights and perceptions of civilians. THE SPRINGFIELD DOMESTIC VIOLENCE COALITION'S PURSUIT OF TRANSPARENCY; ADVOCACY FOR CRIME REPORT DISCLOSURE The Springfield Domestic Violence Coalition (SDVC) has been actively advocating for nearly two years for the Springfield Police Department (SPD) to disclose annual crime reports, making a clear distinction from "calls for service" reports. Crime reports, in the context of law enforcement, typically refer to official records documenting reported criminal offenses, often compiled using standardized systems like the FBI's Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) program or the National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS) . These reports contain detailed information about the nature of the crime, victims, suspects (if known), and other relevant details . In contrast, "calls for service" reports are logs that record each instance when someone contacts the police for assistance, which can include a wide array of situations that may not necessarily involve a criminal offense . For example, a "call for service" might be for a noise complaint, a domestic dispute that does not result in an arrest, or a report of suspicious activity that is later deemed non-criminal . The SDVC's specific request for crime reports indicates their need for verified data on criminal activity within Springfield, likely to better understand the prevalence and nature of crimes relevant to their mission, such as domestic violence, sexual assault, and related offenses. Despite the SDVC's persistent advocacy, the City of Springfield has not produced the requested annual crime reports. The city's legal department has reportedly cited that there are no legal grounds to provide these reports to the public. In response to this lack of official data, the SDVC took the initiative to create their own "Unofficial Springfield Police Departments Annual Report 2023," which they compiled based on arrest data . The SDVC has publicly challenged the City of Springfield to either confirm or deny the accuracy of their unofficial report. This situation underscores a significant disconnect between the information needs of a community organization focused on public safety and the data being made available by the city's law enforcement agency. The city's refusal to provide annual crime reports, coupled with the SDVC's independent efforts to gather and disseminate crime-related information, suggests a potential lack of transparency and a disagreement regarding the scope of publicly accessible law enforcement data. LEGAL FRAMEWORK FOR PUBLIC RECORDS DISCLOSURE IN OHIO; OHIO PUBLIC RECORDS LAW (OHIO REVISED CODE § 149.43) The disclosure of government records in Ohio is governed by the Ohio Public Records Law, codified in Ohio Revised Code § 149.43, often referred to as the "Sunshine Laws" . This law establishes the fundamental principle that public records are the people's records and should be readily accessible to the public . It mandates that all public offices, including city units like the Springfield Police Department, must maintain their records in an organized manner to facilitate their availability for inspection and copying . The law imposes two primary obligations on public offices: to provide prompt inspection of public records during regular business hours and to furnish copies of these records within a reasonable timeframe upon request . The Ohio Public Records Act is broadly interpreted by courts in favor of disclosure, meaning that the default position is one of openness, and any exceptions to this rule are narrowly construed . The definition of a "public record" under Ohio law is expansive, encompassing any records kept by a public office that document the organization, functions, policies, decisions, procedures, operations, or other activities of the office, regardless of their physical format. While Ohio law generally promotes the accessibility of public records, it also recognizes that certain types of information may be exempt from disclosure. Ohio Revised Code § 149.43(A) outlines specific exceptions, including, but not limited to, medical records, trial preparation records, and confidential law enforcement investigatory records (CLEIR) . The CLEIR exemption is particularly relevant in the context of police records and typically applies to information compiled as part of an ongoing investigation where disclosure could compromise the investigation by revealing the identity of uncharged suspects, confidential sources, specific investigatory techniques, or work product, or endanger life or physical safety . However, it's important to note that these exemptions are generally applied narrowly, and the burden of proving that a record falls under a specific exemption rests with the public office seeking to withhold it . Furthermore, if only a portion of a record is exempt, the public office is generally required to redact the exempt information and release the non-exempt portions. Within the realm of law enforcement, Ohio law distinguishes between different types of records regarding their accessibility . Routine offense and incident reports, which document the initial details of reported crimes, are generally considered public records and are typically not subject to the CLEIR exemption, especially once an investigation has concluded or reached a certain stage . Similarly, statistical summaries and annual reports that aggregate crime data without revealing specific confidential details about ongoing investigations or the identities of individuals are often considered disclosable under the Ohio Public Records Act . The requirement to redact exempt information rather than withhold entire documents further supports the principle of maximum possible disclosure . Therefore, the City of Springfield's assertion of "no legal grounds" to provide annual crime reports to the public warrants closer examination in light of these general principles and the specific exemptions outlined in Ohio law. ANALYZING THE SPRINGFIELD’S LEGAL JUSTIFICATION FOR WITHHOLDING CRIME REPORTS; EVALUATING THE "NO LEGAL GROUNDS" CLAIM The City of Springfield’s legal department's claim that there are "no legal grounds" to provide annual crime reports to the public is a broad assertion that appears to contradict the general principles of Ohio's Public Records Law. Given that Ohio law mandates broad access to public records and narrowly construes exemptions, the city would need to articulate a specific legal basis for withholding annual summaries or statistical reports of crime data. It is possible that the city's legal department is relying on a specific exemption, such as the CLEIR exemption, but the applicability of this exemption to aggregated annual crime data, especially data that does not contain specific details of ongoing investigations or personal identifying information, is questionable . Reply to SDVC request for Annual Crime Reports: As per Randy Stevenson, Assistant Law Director, City of Springfield: Please note: “ The demographic categories you outline in your request are not tracked by the City. Under Ohio Revised Code § 149.43(B)(1), public offices are required to make available only existing records, and there is no obligation to create or compile a record to satisfy a request (State ex rel. Fant v. Enright, 66 Ohio St. 3d 186, 1993).” The SDVC response addresses the objection raised concerning the availability of demographic information, citing Ohio Revised Code § 149.43(B)(1) and the City's alleged lack of tracking such categories. While we (SDVC) acknowledge the legal framework regarding existing records, we contend that the spirit of transparency and public accountability necessitates the provision of relevant demographic data, particularly in matters of public safety and resource allocation. We draw your attention to Police Chief Elliot's public statement at the City Commissioners Meeting on August 29, 2023. During this meeting, Chief Elliot explicitly acknowledged the public's "citizen's right to know some of these answers, not just within a specific demographic that we’re speaking about right now in our community." She further stated, "I’ll do everything I can to gather my stats and make sure I have the right stats to speak on for you, if we wanna have a conversation about it, and sit down and talk about it, I’d be more than happy to break down those demographics. "Chief Elliot's statement establishes a clear precedent for the availability and disclosure of demographic information. Her willingness to "gather" and "break down" these statistics strongly implies that such data is, in fact, collected or can be compiled. Furthermore, she encouraged the public to "make public records requests" for such information, which contradicts the assertion that these categories are not tracked. We understand the legal argument regarding the obligation to provide only existing records. However, the Chief's public commitment to providing demographic information creates a reasonable expectation that such data is accessible. To deny this information based solely on the argument that the City does not "track" it in a specific format undermines the Chief's commitment to public transparency and the public's right to know. Furthermore, Domestic Violence arrests and incidents in which the Springfield Police Department provided to the Ohio Attorney General’s Office of Domestic Violence Reports by The Ohio Bureau of Criminal Identification and Investigation contains a detailed breakdown of gender and race/ethnicity of those arrested and those involved in incidents since 2010. Therefore, without a clearly articulated legal justification citing a specific provision of the Ohio Revised Code or relevant case law, the city's refusal appears to undermine the spirit of transparency and public access that the Public Records Law aims to uphold. While the city has not provided a specific legal rationale, it is conceivable that they might attempt to argue that annual crime reports fall under an exemption. One potential argument could be that these reports contain information that, if released, could compromise ongoing investigations. However, this argument is often countered by the fact that aggregate annual data can typically be presented in a manner that does not reveal sensitive details about specific cases that are still under investigation . Another potential argument might be that compiling an annual crime report constitutes the creation of a new record, which public offices are generally not obligated to do . However, if the SPD already tracks and utilizes this crime data internally for analysis, strategic planning, and reporting to state or federal agencies (such as through the UCR or NIBRS systems), then generating a summary for public disclosure should not necessarily be considered an undue burden or the creation of an entirely new record . A further argument could be made concerning the privacy of victims. However, annual statistical reports can be designed to present data in an anonymized and aggregated format that does not disclose the identities of individual victims . In the absence of a specific and compelling legal justification, the refusal to provide annual crime statistics raises concerns about the city's commitment to transparency and its willingness to share information that is vital for public understanding and community safety initiatives. THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN CRIME REPORTS AND CALLS FOR SERVICE REVISITED The Springfield Domestic Violence Coalition's specific request for crime reports as opposed to "calls for service" data is critical. As previously discussed, "calls for service" represent a broader category of police responses that may not always result in a formal crime report . For an organization like the SDVC, which focuses on preventing domestic violence and supporting victims, access to official crime reports is essential for understanding the actual incidence and trends of domestic violence and related crimes within Springfield . Providing only "calls for service" data would offer an incomplete and potentially misleading picture of the problem. For instance, a high volume of domestic disturbance calls might not accurately reflect the number of cases that are officially reported as domestic violence crimes, either due to victims' reluctance to press charges, lack of sufficient evidence for an arrest, or other factors . Therefore, the city's apparent reliance on providing "calls for service" data (as suggested by the SDVC's specific request for crime reports) while withholding annual crime reports hinders the SDVC's ability to accurately assess the scope of domestic violence in Springfield and to effectively advocate for prevention and support services. Access to annual crime reports, particularly those detailing incidents of domestic violence, is of paramount importance for organizations like the Springfield Domestic Violence Coalition (SDVC). This data allows the SDVC to identify critical trends, geographical hotspots where domestic violence is more prevalent, and recurring patterns in the nature and severity of abuse within the Springfield community . By analyzing this information over time, the SDVC can gain a deeper understanding of the dynamics of domestic violence in their locality, which is essential for developing targeted and effective prevention strategies. For example, identifying areas with a high incidence of reported domestic violence could inform decisions about where to focus outreach efforts or establish support services. Recognizing patterns in the types of weapons used or the times of day when incidents are most likely to occur can help tailor safety education campaigns and inform law enforcement responses. Comprehensive crime data provides the evidence base necessary for a more informed and strategic approach to combating domestic violence. The availability of detailed crime statistics also plays a crucial role in the SDVC's ability to allocate their resources effectively and advocate for necessary policy changes and increased support . When seeking funding from grant-making organizations or government agencies, the SDVC can use concrete crime data to demonstrate the extent of the problem in Springfield and justify their need for financial support to expand their services, such as emergency shelters, counseling programs, and legal aid. Similarly, when advocating for policy changes at the local or state level, such as stricter enforcement of domestic violence laws or increased funding for victim support, the SDVC can leverage crime statistics to underscore the urgency and importance of these initiatives. Presenting data on the number of reported domestic violence incidents, the rates of recidivism among offenders, or the challenges faced by victims in accessing justice can provide compelling evidence to policymakers and community leaders, strengthening the SDVC's arguments for change. Publicly available crime statistics empower organizations to make data-driven arguments that carry greater weight and influence with stakeholders. BUILDING COMMUNITY TRUST AND TRANSPARENCY The disclosure of crime data by the Springfield Police Department would also contribute to greater transparency and help build trust between law enforcement and the community, particularly concerning the sensitive issue of domestic violence . When the police department is open about the challenges and trends in crime, including domestic violence, it demonstrates a commitment to addressing these issues and allows for more informed public discourse . Sharing this data can help the community understand the scope of the problem and foster a sense of shared responsibility in finding solutions. Furthermore, transparency regarding crime statistics can increase public confidence in the police department's efforts to combat crime and support victims. When community members have access to this information, they can better assess the effectiveness of law enforcement strategies and engage in constructive dialogue about public safety concerns. This openness can be particularly important in fostering trust with vulnerable populations, such as victims of domestic violence, who may be hesitant to come forward if they perceive a lack of transparency or commitment from law enforcement. CONCLUSION The detention of two Black individuals by the Springfield Police Department on March 13th, 2025, occurred within a context of heightened public awareness of police actions due to advancements in technology that promote transparency. While the SPD maintains that their officers followed protocol, the incident underscores the complexities of police interactions, particularly those involving individuals from marginalized communities. Simultaneously, the City of Springfield's refusal to disclose annual crime reports to the Springfield Domestic Violence Coalition (SDVC), citing a lack of legal grounds, appears inconsistent with the general principles of Ohio's Public Records Law, which favors broad public access to government information. The SDVC's need for this data, especially concerning domestic violence, is critical for understanding trends, allocating resources, advocating for policy changes, and fostering community trust. The city's broad claim of "no legal grounds" without specific justification raises concerns about transparency and hinders the efforts of organizations working to address significant public safety issues. It is recommended that the SPD and the City of Springfield reconsider their stance on disclosing annual crime reports, providing a clear legal rationale for any continued withholding. Engaging in a dialogue with the SDVC to understand their specific data needs and exploring ways to provide relevant information, while respecting privacy and legal limitations, would be a positive step towards greater transparency and community collaboration. Reviewing their public records policies to ensure alignment with Ohio's Sunshine Laws and promoting maximum transparency would ultimately benefit both the police department and the citizens of Springfield by fostering greater trust and facilitating more informed approaches to public safety. The situation in Springfield highlights a recurring tension between law enforcement agencies managing information and the public's right to access data for oversight and advocacy, a balance that requires careful consideration to ensure accountability and build stronger community relations. SOURCES USED IN THE REPORT springfieldnewssun.com Springfield police release footage of arrest that sparked racial ... whio.com 'Thorough review' promised after widely shared video shows Springfield police detaining man - WHIO-TV rand.org Stop, Start, or Continue? A National Survey of the Police About ... police1.com How non-compliance during traffic stops impacts officer safety upressonline.com Social media's effects on policing: Why it matters in an age of ... brennancenter.org Principles for Social Media Use by Law Enforcement | Brennan Center for Justice ojp.gov Body-Worn Cameras: What the Evidence Tells Us - Office of Justice Programs axon.com The pros and cons of police body cams | Axon - Axon.com newcastle.edu.au Examining the impact of amateur video and social media on police ... politico.com Body-Worn Cameras Build Transparency and Trust for Law Enforcement Across the Nation springfielddvc.com Springfield Domestic Violence Coalition | Domestic Violence researchgate.net Explaining Suspects' Resistance and Disrespect toward Police - ResearchGate digitalcommons.georgiasouthern.edu Compliance with Police: Does the Interaction of Race/Ethnicity and Sex Matter? - Digital Commons@Georgia Southern urban.org How Do People in High-Crime, Low-Income Communities View the Police? | Urban Institute journals.sagepub.com When Suspects Resist Arrest: Prevalence, Correlates, and Implications for Front-Line Policing - Kelly A. Hine, Jason L. Payne, Alex R. Piquero, 2021 - Sage Journals repository.law.umich.edu "Policing, Danger Narratives, and Routine Traffic Stops" by Jordan Blair Woods michiganlawreview.org Policing, Danger Narratives, and Routine Traffic Stops - Michigan Law Review cosspp.fsu.edu Improving Police Community Relations: The Role of Civilian Oversight Agencies (COA) in Florida-V1.docx ojp.gov Citizen Review of Police : Approaches and Implementation - Office of Justice Programs leb.fbi.gov Social Media and Law Enforcement | FBI - LEB journals.sagepub.com Use of Performance Information and External Accountability: The Role of Citizen Oversight in Mitigating the Motivated Evaluation of Body-Worn Camera Evidence - Mir Usman Ali, James E. Wright, 2024 - Sage Journals scholarworks.waldenu.edu Civilian Oversight of Police Through the Lens of Polarities of Democracy - ScholarWorks | Walden University Research counciloncj.foleon.com XI. Civilian Oversight - Assessing the Evidence - Foleon springfielddvc.com 2024 Springfield Crime Report springfielddvc.com All News | SDVC - Springfield Domestic Violence Coalition umaryland.edu Calls for Service - University of Maryland, Baltimore nbpd.org Calls For Service | Newport Beach Police Department fbi.gov Crime/Law Enforcement Stats (UCR Program) - FBI nationalpolice.org Why Reporting Crime Matters | National Police Association worthington.org Police Reports | Worthington, OH - Official Website mcohio.org The Ohio Public Records Act | Montgomery County, OH - Official Website ohioattorneygeneral.gov Sunshine Laws - Ohio Attorney General Dave Yost codes.ohio.gov Section 2930.07 | Privacy of victim's information. - Ohio Laws dys.ohio.gov OHIO'S PUBLIC RECORDS ACT – COMMON QUESTIONS ohioattorneygeneral.gov Public Records Access - Ohio Attorney General Dave Yost ccao.org CHAPTER 128 PUBLIC RECORDS AND RECORDS COMMISSIONS - County Commissioners Association of Ohio co.trumbull.oh.us Ohio Sunshine Laws 2024 ohioattorneygeneral.gov 2024 Sunshine Law Manual (Accessible) - Ohio Attorney General co.wood.oh.us Public Records Policy - Wood County, Ohio rcfp.org Open Government Guide Ohio - Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press codes.ohio.gov . Section 149.43 | Availability of public records for inspection and copying. - Ohio Laws
- 2024 SPD Domestic Violence arrests at the highest level EVER
Transcript of Commissioners Meeting Address: During your term in office as Mayor and City Commissioners ARRESTS Springfield had 513 Domestic Violence Arrests in 2024 - The Highest ever in the history of Springfield Police Department In fact, in 2015 Springfield had 1,758 Domestic Violence incidents yet Springfield police Department accomplished only 432 arrests. INJURIES Severity of injuries to victims from Domestic Violence is at the highest levels ever in the history of Springfield In 2022, 71% of victims were injured, 2023 71% were injured and in 2024 67% injured. DOMESTIC VIOLENCE IMPACT ON MINORITY COMMUNITIES. 24% of victims were minorities in 2014 - Non Caucasian 37% of victims were minorities in 2023 - Non Caucasian That is a gain of 13 percentage points In 2024 35% of victims were minorities - Non Caucasian UNDER REPORTING OF DOMESTIC VIOLENCE BY SPRINGFIELD POLICE From 2014 to 2024 SPD under reported 439 Domestic Violence incidents on minorities - Non Caucasian The data I reference was recently released in March 2025 by the Ohio Bureau of Criminal Investigations (OBCI) / Attorney General's Office for Domestic Violence Reporting. So, my question to you Mayor, City Manager and Police Chief: Which lie should I believe? The lie in which YOU cite data - that shows you under reported Domestic Violence incidents? - OR - The lie in which OBCI cites - Domestic Violence Incidents. READ THE ENTIRE REPORT (PDF) HERE
- Unofficial Springfield Police Departments Annual Report 2023
Since the SPD and City can't produce a report, SDVC did! Hey City of Springfield, either confirm or deny. Report is based on arrests only made in Springfield AND only by SPD (2023) Downlod full report (PDF) we did not make any analysis. I believe the data is self evident, and allows the read to make an informed decision.
- Part 3: Why Should Springfield be concerned about Haitians
REPORT 3 OF 3, NOW YOU WILL READ THE REST OF THE STORY In reports 1 & 2 you learned the city in Ohio with the highest percentage of Haitian immigrants is Springfield, Ohio. The citizens of Springfield believe elected leaders are more concerned about making money from the influx of Haitians to their city than dealing with the increasing crime rate, lack of educational progress of its citizens, the violent crime, which is getting more severe and lethal, the increase in rape and sexual assault, domestic violence, increase in poverty and homelessness. You learned that Haitian refugees are migrating to the United States due to Haiti’s political turmoil, fraud, and corruption in their country. You learned Haitians are able to migrate to the United States through the U.S. Temporary Protected Status (TPS). You also learned that the majority of TPS immigrants relocate to cities where the population of like immigrants are located. Yet, many Haitian immigrants relocate to smaller cities, cities that are in decay economically, with failing infrastructure with no other Haitian immigrants living there UNTIL there is a mysteriously a mass influx over the course of 1-year. You learned Haiti is a nation lacking both mandatory education and a social safety net. You learned in Haiti that contaminated well water is all most Haitians have to drink. The overwhelming majority of Haitians reaching the age of 17 have a fourth-grade education. Sadly, you learned the “restavek system” which has been in place for hundreds of years is a form of child slavery that exists in Haiti. Children, usually from poor families, are sent to live with wealthier families where they work as domestic servants. In exchange for their labor, they are supposed to receive food, shelter, and sometimes education. However, in many cases, restavek children and those children that become adults are exploited and abused. You found that research shows a strong correlation between a country’s nutritional status, the prevalence of infectious diseases and its average national IQ. You learned that since 1986, there have been a long list of Haitian heads of Government. I realized I cannot eloquently or even accutley summarize the information provided by investigative journalists that have already been published on this subject. To that end, this is a lengthy read, BUT well worth your time. I have posted portions of their articles by grouping like investigations to give the reader a well-rounded view of the issues. What you will find since 2009, is a labor trafficking network has existed in Springfield, Ohio. Vulnerable Haitian migrants are transported to the city and exploited for cheap labor by companies like Dole Food Company Inc., Topre America Corp, Classic Delight LLC factory, Gabriel Brothers Inc, Jefferson Industries Corporation, KTH Parts Industries Inc and Silfex, Inc just to name a few AND working in conjunction with Springfield Chamber of Commerce. George Ten, a local businessman, is allegedly the mastermind behind this operation. He owns First Diversity Staffing Group Inc., a company that has been the tip of the spear in the alleged trafficking operation of Haitians to the town. Haitians are sought for employment because they are legal, unlike Hispanic and Mexican laborers. The Haitians are transported from Florida, Georgia and Indianapolis to Ohio in unmarked white vans and are packed into dilapidated houses owned by Ten. They are then transported to work at companies like Dole Foods. The workers are paid low wages and are often not paid their full wages. They are also subjected to squalid living conditions. Sourced Stories by Steven Star of The Guardian Joseph Simonson of Freebecon.com Chronicles, (November 2024) Asra Q. Nomani The Jewish Journal Wisconsin Now .com The Haitians are not the only ones who are suffering because of this operation. The residents of Springfield are also being marginalized and sidelined. They have seen their town transformed without any meaningful intervention from officials. Many suspect corruptions and a cover-up of the exploitation that has festered for years under the watch of local authorities. City officials deny the allegations of malfeasance and claim that they have been overwhelmed. The exploitation of the Haitian migrants has been an open secret in Springfield for years, but few have dared to speak up. Many fear retribution from Ten and his associates. The migrants are caught between their hope for a better life in America and the brutal reality of being trafficked for labor. Springfield has become a microcosm of a much larger problem of labor trafficking in America. This Haitian migration into Springfield is somewhat different from the stream of illegal immigrants flooding over the U.S. Mexico border who took advantage of Biden-Harris’s weak immigration policies; the Haitians flew legally into the United States. Biden and Harris waved their magic wand and made it so. They were granted immigration parole and temporary protected status by the Biden-Harris administration, a deliberate and calculated policy decision. Once here, the Biden-Harris administration granted the Haitians temporary protected status – through a program that Trump tried to kill – which grants them a raft of government benefits and debit cards, including driver’s licenses. It’s meant to be temporary, but the government can extend TPS indefinitely. Of course, if the Haitians have children here, those children are automatically U.S. citizens who will someday be allowed to vote (the Haitian migrants can’t vote legally. On May 22, 2021, Biden’s Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Majorkas ended those when he announced a new, 18-month TPS designation for Haiti based on extraordinary and temporary conditions that included social unrest, an increase in human rights abuses, crippling poverty, and lack of basic resources, which are exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic. Haitians are in Ohio through the Immigration Parole Program, Springfield’s website says. The U.S. government may grant advance travel authorization to up to 30,000 noncitizens each month to seek parole on a case-by-case basis under the processes for Cubans, Haitians, Nicaraguans, and Venezuelans, the government’s website says. TPS is granted after you get here. Immigrants with TPS are legally qualified to receive financial assistance, health and nutrition services, employment and education services, and housing services, the city says. People with TPS status, a program dating to a 1990 act of Congress, are not removable from the United States, and are allowed to work, the government says, adding that they are screened. It lists 16 countries with TPS status. Some make sense (saving interpreters from Afghanistan). Others raise questions – Yemen, Ukraine, Sudan, Haiti. As of March 31, 2024, approximately 863,880 foreign nationals had TPS status in the U.S. Of that, 200,005 Haitians who arrived after 2022 have TPS. Trump terminated TPS status for multiple countries, including Haiti. The ACLU of California helped TPS recipients sue, some with U.S. citizen children. The latter is, of course, where new problems creep in (now they argue that kids are being separated from their parents! And of course, those kids will be voters someday.) The plaintiffs’ argument focused on the Trump administration adopting a new narrow process that doesn’t consider all current conditions in the involved countries. They accused Trump of racism. The case bogged down in California’s liberal courts. The Biden-Harris administration swiftly restored the TPS after taking office, rendering the court case moot before it could land on the desk of SCOTUS. But by the early 1950s, most of the commercial greenhouses had been closed for good. Crowell-Collier Publishing shut its doors and switched off the lights of its printing plant in 1957. Little by little, manufacturing jobs went away. Still, things weren’t so bad. It was a safe place that was home to a tight-knit community. In fact, Newsweek named it one of America’s “dream cities” in 1983. That award, however, was a bittersweet kiss, as the magazine found irrepressible evidence of decline everywhere it looked. “The times have not been hospitable to dreaming,” Newsweek concluded. Springfield would bleed half of its manufacturing jobs between 2000 and 2010. As the work slowed to a trickle, then ran out, a 2012 Gallup survey found Springfield to be the “unhappiest city” in the United States. By 2014, this place had witnessed more of its middle-class tumble down the economic ladder than any other metro area in the country since 2000. It tied only with Goldsboro, North Carolina, but won another distinction: it lost population every year since the 1960s, from a peak of more than 80,000 to fewer than 60,000 souls today, as its poverty rate soared to twice the national average. Springfield became the quintessential representative of “forgotten America.” Then something unexpected happened. Starting in 2020, newcomers, mainly Haitians, began arriving by the thousands. By 2024, Springfield’s population had increased by 25 percent, largely due to immigration. Their arrival put an immediate strain on the city, from hospital services to the availability of housing. Both fatal and non-fatal traffic collisions spiked, which correlated neatly with the arrival of the Haitians. Much of the blame is on a coalition that consists of government, nonprofit organizations, and local businesses. It’s worth noting that it is hard to get anything about the Haitian migrants out of anyone official. Asking the police for a comment will get you referred to a press officer who won’t return your call. ROB RUE MAYOR OF SPRINGFIELD Rob Rue is the mayor of Springfield and a funeral parlor owner. In September of 2024 he assumed emergency powers because of security concerns. Rue has been accused of renting an apartment to a Haitian. Rus has stated in the past; This border crisis, the policy of this administration, is failing cities like ours and taxing us beyond our limit. He states that he fundamentally blames an open border. Between June 10, 2021, and June 30, 2021, as Haitian workers flooded into town, the town’s mayor, Rob Rue, bought seven properties on N. Limestone Street, E. Madison Avenue and Mason Street for a total cost of $1.78 million through a company, Littleton Properties of Springfield LLC, according to property records. Mayor Rob said he rents the homes to Haitians, but says he rents them at market rates. Whatever the case, he, too, has been quietly profiting from the influx of low-wage labor. He has said he has done nothing wrong. Despite the billions flowing through the staffing industry, safeguards for workers are alarmingly weak. Federal and state labor laws exist, but they are rarely enforced against staffing firms operating in this shadowy space. Instead, local officials often look the other way or worse, they are complicit in the alleged racket. Mayor Rob Rue, said in July 2024 the city is "overwhelmed" and equipped to provide services like public safety and firefighting for 60,000 people, not upwards of 80,000. "There’s no middle ground here, everyone is polarized." BRYAN HECK CITY MANAGER The city manager, Bryan Heck, wrote “It’s taxing our infrastructure. It’s taxing public safety. It’s taxing our schools. It’s taxing health care…it’s taxing our housing, Heck said in July 2024, calling the housing crisis a hundred times worse. It’s getting communities like Springfield up to fail. And, we do not have the capacity to sustain it, and, without additional federal assistance or support, communities like Springfield will fail. In Springfield, hard-working lower-income folks in an already distressed city with a poverty rate of 22.7 percent are just supposed to take it. According to sources, Springfield’s city planner, Bryan Heck, was warned as far back as 2019 that George was using First Diversity to allegedly traffic Haitian migrant workers from Florida to Ohio in a corrupt scheme that profits off the desperate. Heck said he doesn’t remember such a meeting. Springfield City Manager Bryan Heck was warned again about the alleged trafficking as far back as the summer of 2019 at a meeting at Winans Coffee and Chocolate on North Fountain Avenue, but said he doesn’t remember such a meeting. Byran said he does remember getting a warning from a former First Diversity employee in September 2023 and took action. However, he was warned at the Springfield City Commission hearing on August 29, 2023, from Citizen Mark Sanders. An investigation of illicit business practices and potential human trafficking began in September of 2023, Bryan said, and a formal request for additional support and resources was made to the Ohio Bureau of Criminal Investigation on October 25th per my direction. Springfield City Planner Bryan Heck has told the media and citizens, angry about traffic accidents and other issues by the new Haitian migrants, that he didn’t know how the new migrants had arrived in Springfield. However, First Diversity started hiring migrant workers from Haiti in plain sight in 2019 in a new business strategy to build its coffers, and locals started warning city leaders that the new hiring wasn’t above board. In May 2019, George Ten bought a table at a high-profile event for a new organization that had come to town: The Gathering, or more specifically The Gathering of the Miami Valley, an exclusive club started for men who have been transformed by Christ, according to its mission statement. Its members include many of Springfield’s most powerful city officials, business tycoons and community leaders, meeting in exclusive Locker Rooms where men form deeper relationships including Bryan Heck, Rob Rue and Mike McDorman. Years earlier, the Springfield Chamber of Commerce president, McDorman, shared a LinkedIn post from The Gathering’s Fall Breakfast which contained George, Bryan Heck, Rob Rue and Mike McDorman. The Gathering’s executive director was Jeff Pinkleton. Bryan Heck, said in a written statement, I have served on the Board of the Gathering since January 2023. Karen Graves, strategic engagement manager for the City of Springfield, said: I was able to reach Mayor Rue and he confirmed that he does participate in a Gathering Group of Christian fellowship. Again, by the summer of 2019, employees at First Diversity started swapping stories about the shady work they were expected to do, through alleged bullying, coercion and intimidation, sources said. That’s when Bryan Heck, the city manager, was warned about alleged labor trafficking by First Diversity, although he doesn’t recall the meeting at Winans Coffee and Chocolate. One of the reasons city leaders may not have wanted to question the new hiring boom: most of the city’s revenues come from income tax that employers pay the city. In a 2019 report, the city’s then-finance director, Mark Beckdahl, explained that the city levies a tax on all wages, salaries, commissions and other compensation paid by employers, as well as the net profits of businesses or professionals. City residents also must pay city income tax on income earned outside Springfield. Indeed, after three years of declines, income tax revenue collected by the city steadily increased every year, except for in 2024, when it stayed about even, according to a chart by Ramona Metzger, director of the city’s office of budget and management. By November 2020, Bryan released a 2021 preliminary budget report and wrote that the largest source of revenue for the city’s general fund continues to be income tax, accounting for 75 percent of the city’s general fund. Bryan wrote that year that it is expected the city would see revenues from employment gains at Topre America Corp. and Silfex, Inc., and general improvement in the Springfield economy. The next year, he made the same prediction, adding an employer, Gabriel, to the list, with the opening of a distribution facility not far from Dole. Who provided many of the workers for these jobs? First Diversity. A spokeswoman for Silfex said: Silfex does not have, and has never had, any direct association with First Diversity Staffing. There was not one peep about the new migrants from Haiti in the city’s annual reports until the 2023 annual report, which included a short article about the Clark County Department of Job and Family Services, headlined, Demand Increased With Haitian Influx. The report said the agency, which is funded by taxpayer dollars, saw the caseload of Haitian Creole immigrants increase dramatically, presenting new challenges for agency staff and resources. It noted that the BenefitsPlus division saw more than 1,400 individuals receive Refugee Cash Assistance worth more than $2.2 million, or about $1,571 per person. In Springfield, when a company says it needs 100 workers, a staffing firm like First Diversity steps in, promising to deliver the workforce and signing a lucrative contract that ensures a steady flow of labor. The financial arrangement is straightforward but can quickly turn exploitative: staffing firms charge a markup—typically around 30 percent—on each worker. For example, for every worker paid at $12 per hour, the staffing firm charges the client company $15.60, pocketing the difference. This markup allows firms to generate substantial profits. But for companies like First Diversity, the markup is just the beginning of the slippery slope to breaking the law. They routinely shave off hours, manipulate timecards and find every possible way to cut costs, all at the expense of their employees. In September 2023, Bryan, the city manager, was warned again about First Diversity and alleged human trafficking after the citizens were in an uproar. He acknowledged that meeting. He said, “I met with a former employee of First Diversity (who requests to be anonymous) in September of 2023 to discuss concerns with First Diversity practices after First Diversity was named after a Commission meeting. An investigation of illicit business practices and potential human trafficking began in September of 2023 and a formal request for additional support and resources was made to the Ohio Bureau of Criminal Investigation on October 25th per my direction. Note: All 48 properties owned by Ten Enterprises and Garlind Properties are typically smaller and older residential homes were purchased since 2021, coinciding with the height of the Haitian immigration wave to Springfield. By March of that year, a USA Today report found that Springfield had the fifth “hottest” housing market in the US, despite having a median home price of just $145,000. While owning a large number of properties is perfectly legal, landlords say renovating and renting out houses contributes to the city’s tax base. There are single-family homes in the development in Springfield which are expected to start at $300,000, a price that’s out of reach for many Springfield residents, where the median household income is about $45,000. MIKE MCDORMAN PRESIDENT, SPRINGFIELD CHAMBER OF COMMERCE In 2019, the warnings also reached Mike McDorman, the Greater Springfield Chamber of Commerce, and he similarly took no action. In April 2019, George Ten attended the Springfield Chamber of Commerce Business Expo, snapping a photo of himself with the president of the Greater Springfield Chamber of Commerce, Mike McDorman. First Diversity Spokesperson Jay states; So there’s all this uproar in the community about how we need better jobs in Springfield, right? Springfield has a fantastic Chamber of Commerce. One of the best in the nation. Mike McDorman is fantastic, Jay continued. McDorman wanted jobs for new businesses in the area. He knew First Diversity was filling them with people familiar with the hiring. Jay said, about the time when Haitian workers were coming here from the Indianapolis assignment and employers were unable to fill jobs with local workers, the Chamber of Commerce went out and said, we’re going to get the jobs. In 2010, George received an award from the Chamber of Commerce for being the Minority Owned Business of the Year. In August of 2023, the president of the Springfield Chamber of Commerce issued a statement saying, We stand with the City of Springfield and Clark County amid the Haitian population surge to ensure the continued safety, stability and economic success of our community. Businesses are thriving in Clark County through collaboration with our members and local leaders. HOUSING COSTS AND THE LOSS OF JOBS In an impoverished community like Springfield, which is poked with foreclosed homes (locals say some Haitians are living in them), in a nation struggling with soaring inflation. Springfield was already a city in distress; the median income dropped 27% between 1999 and 2014, a bigger dip than any metropolitan area in the country, USA Today reported. Springfield landlords have benefited from the cheap, exploitable workforce while publicly distancing themselves from the harsh realities faced by the workers. Local rent has skyrocketed from $550 to $1,100 because some landlords now make more money renting homes to Haitians they charge per head to sleep on cots jammed into former single-family homes. This is being done in the most destructive, damaging and divisive way possible, kicking people out of their homes to move in people willing to live 10 people to a bedroom, says Bill Monaghan. They want to really gut the working and middle classes, he says. To disrupt the whole town and tear the social fabric apart – this is not an accident. This is an effort to dismantle the working class. Monaghan doesn’t believe the Haitians are being treated right, either. They are jammed in like slave quarters, charged to get back and forth to work. It’s a modern slavery system here, 40 people to a house or 10 people to a bedroom, just cots. John Rice, a pastor and realtor, says a relative who is an HVAC contractor was in a home recently, and 19 Haitians lived on each side of the double. Every room is a bedroom in the house. One house; 38 people. Rice says home and rent prices have skyrocketed because landlords make more money if they can jam Haitians into a house. What is the limit a community can absorb? I think we have far exceeded it, he says. Another (unnamed Pastor) stated: don’t shy away from the truth; he called out the labor market in Springfield for what he believes is: paid slavery. He spoke openly about the conditions he’d seen, the stories of his congregants who had been caught up in the trafficking ring, and the urgent need for change. Lisa Brannon, 47, and Brannon’s friend, a domestic violence survivor, is staying with her because she can’t find affordable housing. Her family’s benefits were denied. Homeless people need meals, but shelters helping recently shut down. Every five houses on this block, there’s been a Haitian that’s moved in, she says. I understand that the Haitians are coming from a war-torn country, but we can’t help people unless we can help ourselves. The American people, she says, can’t afford to subsidize the Haitians. Brannon used to work at Family Dollar, and Haitians would ask me to help them pull their money off their government cards. And it wasn’t just one card, she says. Brannon says she’s called in many traffic accidents at the intersection near her home caused by Haitians. Jeff and Lori Clos have lived in Springfield for 54 and 30 years, respectively. He works in a trucking company. She was unemployed until recently. I was displaced from my previous job, she says. She was told the company was doing away with my position. After that, they started bringing in a lot of Haitians through the local temp service, she says. Ten to fifteen people were let go the same week. The next week, they were bringing in the temp service people to run it, she says. It makes me angry. I work hard to raise the money we need to survive. Now you can’t survive on a one household income. It’s taking me three months to find a job. They keep saying the jobs are plentiful. She’s done everything from factory to office jobs. I’ve applied at some of these places hiring all the Haitians and never got a callback, she says. They hear they can bring the Haitians in for a cheaper rate than Americans can afford to work for. Ryan McKinney was working as a seasonal worker for Amazon when, one day, his key card (and others’ cards) wouldn’t work. Jean Pierre, a Haitian immigrant who speaks in halting English as other Creole-speaking Haitian men spill out of the modest home. He’s been in the U.S. for about a year, coming from Florida after he heard from Haitians that it was easy to find work here. They came here to work. They work hard. It was pretty easy (although one family had to traverse through Brazil and then Mexico). Others just filled out an application and boom! They were in. They weren’t bused to Springfield; they started somewhere else (Georgia, Florida), and Haitians told them to go to Springfield because it was easy to get a job. Yes, they get debit cards. Yes, they get driver’s licenses. Pierre intends to go back to Haiti when his temporary protective status expires, but he’s barely making enough to get ahead here, where the wages range from $18 to $22 an hour, a measly amount quickly eaten up by rent, food, and other costs. He’s separated from his family. Although immigration can be big business, that’s not true for him. At the Springfield City Commission hearing from Aug. 29, 2023, people exploded in anger, demanding answers from the city’s leaders. The mayor at the time, Warren Copeland, chastised the outraged citizens for their hostility. He yelled at them for speaking out of turn. At one point, a local, Mark Sanders, stepped forward and asked the commissioners if they knew about George and First Diversity. You know George Ten, First Diversity Staffing, owns 43 houses in Springfield. You have your landlord registry. You have code enforcement; the city can visit the houses and check the cuts George was getting from the wages of migrant workers. It’s nothing more than indentured servitude and that’s illegal. The commissioners and city manager acted like they were unaware of the details Sanders was providing. A local Haitian American grandmother, stated yes, it was too much that Haitians are sleeping in shifts on beds, overcharged for rentals. Yes, they needed driving lessons. She is the first known person to move to Springfield, arriving here from New York City with her husband and family for a simpler life after the 9/11 attacks. Her mother had emigrated to New York from Haiti years earlier. When the influx of Haitians arrived as migrants, she started helping them as a translator and de facto guardian angel, one time saving a mother and her child from the traps of trafficking that had become sexual exploitation. As a local, Margery knows the town is stretched thin. What we’re witnessing in Springfield is modern-day slavery, said Christopher Merrill. It’s not fair to the people from Haiti. And meanwhile the people of Springfield are also suffering. There isn’t enough funding to help the people of Springfield. It’s all dried up and the money is going into somebody’s wallets. Where is the money going? Jean André, a Haitian American pastor who started the first Haitian church in nearby Columbus some years ago before the new migrant workers arrived, stated that newly arriving Haitian workers, working with immigration, employment, housing and transportation insecurity, have faced abysmal rental conditions and little power with First Diversity. When he drove to Springfield, starting in 2019, to pick up First Diversity’s new migrant workers for church services in Columbus, he saw cramped, overcrowded housing conditions with rooms subdivided into sections, numerous men sharing one bathroom. He said: It is really a shame to see how they treat people as paid slavery. This is what I call it. They are in hell while living on earth, Pastor Jean continued. So that means they are suffering terribly. And the bad thing about it, when you are suffering terribly, you cannot do anything about it…when you are suffering, you don’t see how you can take yourself out of the situation, and you have to live it. This is horrible. This is what happened for the Haitians migrant workers experiencing indignities. John, who did not want to give his real name out of fear of the consequences, paid $50 a week for a room in a house that was also home to a family of Haitians and others who came and went regularly. Living in substandard conditions, especially for recent arrivals to Springfield, is a common, if little talked about, experience among the Haitian community. “We’ve seen things like no heat or hot water in winter; issues with leaking roofs and walls collapsing; multiple families renting rooms in a larger home; dangerous water and electrical configurations – things that could cause a serious fire,” says Ryan Davis, a staff attorney at Advocates for Basic Legal Equality (Able), a non-profit law firm. Reuters has reported that the number of affordable housing vouchers fell in recent years in Springfield, as landlords moved away from offering their properties to tenants through government support programs and into market-based rents, where greater profits can be made. That move means that there are several hundred fewer properties now available to low-income and in-need Springfield residents. Rents are rising faster than national trends, which local landlords attribute to Haitian renters who, aided by left-wing charities, have successfully applied for Section 8 housing vouchers. The wait list for these vouchers is now closed. Crime was already higher in Springfield than most similarly sized cities, but residents are now dealing with a scourge of traffic violations. Ohio governor Mike DeWine (R.) wrote Friday in the New York Times (not widely read in Springfield) that "ensuring that Haitians learn how to drive safely and understand our driving customs and traffic laws remains a top priority." Social services are overwhelmed, and some Springfield residents are blaming their layoffs on the flood of cheap Haitian labor, an allegation supported by Springfield’s curiously lethargic wage growth since 2022. And some of the city’s most vulnerable populations say they’ve been pushed aside. "They’re taking attention away from people like me," said a homeless woman who called herself Mama D. "I don’t dislike the Haitians, but it’s harder for us to get houses now. The cheapest apartments go for $700 a month now." A common defense from sympathetic parties is that the Haitians are here to work. That is largely true, although no one believes there are 20,000 vacant positions in the county. The thousands of Haitians who poured into Springfield in recent years—legal migrants due to permissive Biden-Harris policies that have welcomed refugees from failed states such as Haiti and Venezuela. They were not drawn to Springfield by word of mouth about jobs. They were met by immigrant-focused charities who helped them apply for social services and find low-wage jobs. One consequence is a sharp uptick in welfare dependency in the Springfield. Roughly 8,000 people of Haitian origin are now receiving federal assistance from programs like Medicaid. In March 2022, that figure was fewer than 1,000. DRIVING AND HEALTH CARE Locals’ concerns range from hospitals and schools being overwhelmed to dangerous traffic crashes. Traffic crashes in the county rose from 2019 to 2023, according to police data. U.S. citizens have died, and residents described dangerous near misses with Haitians who don’t understand the rules of the road. One crash involving a Haitian driver took the life of an 11-year-old boy on a school bus whose dad doesn’t want his story politicized. In another widely discussed tragedy, grandmother Kathy Heaton was killed by a Haitian migrant who plowed into her as she put out the trash. Kathy was struck so violently that both her socks were left behind on the pavement as her body was thrown across the street, the New York Post reported. The driver wasn’t charged. Haitians receive taxpayer-funded benefits and driver’s licenses. Enrollment in Medicaid and federal food assistance and welfare programs surged, Community hospitals spend $50,000 monthly for translation services, and the school district gets 40 new students each week, many who can’t speak English. The police chief told NPR that calls for service, property crimes, and translation needs are up, although police aren’t tying crime increases to immigrants. Ohio’s Republican Gov. Mike DeWine sent $2.5 million in taxpayer money to Springfield to boost traffic enforcement and deal with growing pressures on medical centers. General healthcare, not communicable diseases, is driving the pressure on healthcare. (BIG LIE) The influx of Haitians to Springfield and Clark County has significantly impacted local primary care providers due to the increased number of patients and the need for more translation services. In general, migrants from Haiti have had little to no healthcare services prior to arriving in the United States, including vaccinations, DeWine said. Haitians in Springfield are only part of the story. AMY WILLMAN, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR, NEHEMIAH FOUNDATION “People of faith should have a biblical response to what we call the ‘quartet of the vulnerable,’ which is the poor, the widow, the orphan, and the foreigner,” Willman stated. What kind of work Nehemiah does with the Haitian community. “We’re getting ready to launch a brand-new church-based English learning project,” she said. “We’re partnering with the Warder Literacy Center. We have 21 churches and a hundred volunteers ready to go. If 50 percent of the population (in Springfield Schools) is now non-English speaking,” Where does the money for these language initiatives come from? It's a combination of state and local grants, recurring donations from supporters, and business sponsorships. Springfield, of all places, had become a hub for Haitians, Willman said that the cause was murky. “I’ve heard that they’re a very communal culture, so you have families come and then when their families come, they’re like, ‘Come to Springfield, there’s jobs.’ And so, I think it was just a combination of things like that,” she said. “It’s possible that there were staffing agencies … employment agencies that were bringing in people or attracting them with jobs. “Employers, staffing agencies, landlords—they can exploit people who are in need,” Willman said. “But they can also provide a service to people in need.” When we asked Willman on whether the foundation also looks after local concerns, like the homeless, she said that it is one of their four initiatives. “We run our county-wide emergency warming shelters for the homeless,” she said. “We do that with churches, with volunteers, but then collaborating with the Emergency Management Agency, our city, and law enforcement. Willman added that she was horrified by some of the comments she had seen about the Haitian community, which, in her view, veered into open bigotry. However, Willman would just argue that she is abiding by her faith and conscience. KYLE KOEHLER Kyle Koehler is a Ohio State Senator. He says the community wasn’t properly informed that the surge was coming. Temp agencies, churches, and businesses encouraged the Haitians to come here, some profiting greatly. We didn’t know it was happening. Koehler said there’s been great stress on our education system. The local health care center is overwhelmed. The traffic accident stories are true. The issue is the social – the government – services that are being overwhelmed. In the end, it just overwhelmed our community. A couple of months ago in (August 2024), Koehler appeared at a press conference to highlight these concerns. Only one reporter came. But that was before Trump started talking about cats. I am shocked that much of what we are experiencing has been orchestrated by employment agencies who never informed our community leaders about the workers they brought to Springfield. While profiting off the labor of thousands of Haitians, these temp agencies failed to inform our schools, our healthcare providers, our local health department or really anyone for that matter. These types of actions bring into question whether they are operating with the best interests of our community but even more importantly, the interest of the impoverished individuals they seem to be taking advantage of. Koehler has since reversed his stance in a 2025 City Commissioners Meeting address. BOMB THREATS Following a series of unfounded bomb threats made to schools within the Springfield City School District, Ohio Governor Mike DeWine announced today that he has authorized a contingent of troopers from the Ohio State Highway Patrol's Mobile Field Force to provide added security at each of the district's 18 school buildings. Many of these threats are coming in from overseas, made by those who want to fuel the current discord surrounding Springfield. None of the threats that have come into Springfield to date have been legitimate. We're doing this purely as a precaution to prevent further disruption within the Springfield City School District, said Governor DeWine. Governor DeWine also directed Ohio Homeland Security to begin conducting vulnerability assessments on critical infrastructure in Springfield and to provide various tower cameras for use by the Springfield Police Department to enhance situational awareness. The Ohio Department of Public Safety has also arranged for bomb detection dogs to be stationed in Springfield each day. Due to the recent influx of Haitian migrants to Springfield, Governor DeWine last week dedicated $2.5 million toward expanding primary healthcare access in Springfield and directed the Ohio State Highway Patrol to support the local police with traffic enforcement. GEORGE TEN - FIRST DIVERSITY STAFFING GROUP INC The real story in Springfield. A city of about 58,000 locals and an estimated 15,000 migrant workers, has a long-standing, hidden human trafficking network that has upended the lives of both the Haitian migrants and local residents. According to sources, with whistleblowers coming forward, FBI anti-trafficking agents and Ohio Attorney General Dave Yost are investigating the allegations of human trafficking in Springfield. Federal and state investigations have recently widened to include the alleged theft of Social Security numbers and the identities of American citizens, along with wage, tax and immigration fraud. On Jan. 19, 2022, George Ten bought a mansion for $1.35 million on Pawleys Plantation Court in nearby Beavercreek, Ohio, using an LLC with the address of the house in its name. Some months later, on June 21, 2022, Bruce W. Smith senior executive vice president, First Diversity bought a 35.3-acre farm just outside Springfield for $580,000 The alleged trafficking network was orchestrated by George Ten, a local businessman who took over his family’s staffing business, First Diversity, after his father, Miguel Ten, faced legal trouble with the IRS. The company jingle is that First Diversity is a leader in putting Americans back to work by providing Quality Staffing Solutions. The company has grown to have new operations, where workers from Haiti are also allegedly funneled: Washington Court House, Ohio; Lima, Ohio; Sidney, Ohio; Huber Heights, Ohio; Gastonia, N.C.; and Charlotte, N.C. First Diversity Staffing Group Inc. was incorporated in Delaware with an address on East High Street. In 2008, he incorporated it in Ohio, Springfield companies had a shortage of people. They put pressure on not only First Diversity, but also another employment agency, to get employees because they didn’t have workers. The companies needed people and First Diversity didn’t have enough people. Hispanic and Mexican laborers were illegal, but the Haitians were legal. Just about every week since 2019, First Diversity Staffing Group Inc. has shuttled vulnerable Haitian migrants in unmarked white Ford and Chevy vans from Florida to Ohio, where they are allegedly exploited for cheap labor by companies like Dole Food Company Inc. It is a secretive and sinister operation that has gone unchecked for more than five years. The mastermind behind this scheme lives in a $1.35 million mansion on Pawleys Plantation Court. His name is George Ten, but in that underworld, his nickname is King George, because of his opulent lifestyle of luxury cars, cash handouts and fast-talk. For years, he has operated his reign of alleged exploitation openly and freely out of a former mansion on East High Street. According to sources, the FBI has binders of evidence documenting the properties owned by King George and the systematic transport of Haitian immigrants to Springfield, Ohio, in dilapidated, unmarked white vans from Florida and other states. The areas of investigation include the almost 50 homes that George owns in Springfield, housing the migrants in squalid conditions, under the name of a limited liability corporation. George oversees a spider’s web of at least 10 shell corporations. Through court records and sources they say George uses First Diversity and limited liability corporations to funnel money, property and assets. A steady flow of Haitian migrants go through the doors of First Diversity between 9 a.m. and 5 p.m. In June 2019, employees of First Diversity were directed to stop hiring locals and focus on recruiting Haitian migrants. George dispatched unmarked white vans to remote locations in Florida to bring workers from Haiti to Springfield. Haitian migrant workers paid a fee of about $50 for the ride. Once they arrived in Springfield, the migrants were packed into dilapidated houses owned by one of Ten’s many companies. George owns over 45 such properties around town, including at least three homes that were purchased on the same day, Sept. 10, 2020, for $20,000, $28,000 and $32,000. These homes are overcrowded, often shared in shifts among the migrants, some of whom had no stable place to stay and carried all their belongings in backpacks. In the morning, drivers in the white vans would pick up the men at their homes or at the First Diversity offices at the East High Street mansion, and deposit them at the far end of town in the distribution center, where companies like Dole Foods hired them at cheap rates. One Haitian man who asked to be anonymous for fear of retaliation recalled how he was picked up by a driver for one of Ten’s vans on a street corner near a Winn-Dixie grocery store in Immokalee, Florida. After the long journey to Springfield, he was dropped off at a rundown home on Rice Street, infested with cockroaches. He soon found work through First Diversity at Jefferson Industries Corporation, earning $12.50 an hour; he didn’t know how much George skimmed off his wages. The home he lived in had no working heat, and he bought an electric heater to survive the cold Ohio winter, the heater barely heating his room. A Haitian-American approached First Diversity Staffing Company LLC and explained the IRS claimed that the U.S. citizen had earned about $20,000 during her employment with First Diversity. But, in reality, she had only worked two-and-a-half weeks as a Haitian Creole translator on the assembly line at KTH Parts Industries Inc. in nearby Saint Paris, Ohio, earning much less in wages with a pay of $19.90 per hour. Someone at First Diversity had allegedly stolen her social security number and used it for another employee without a number. In early 2021, about a dozen Haitian migrant workers stormed through the doors of the staffing agency, shouting angrily in their native French Creole. Nap vòlè kob mwen! one worker shouted. You are stealing my money! First Diversity, nou vòlè! another yelled. First Diversity, you are thieves! They demanded answers for why they hadn’t been paid their full wages for making sandwiches, like turkey cheese subs, in near-freezing conditions at the Classic Delight LLC factory, an hour away off I-75 North in little St. Paris, Ohio. The workers, desperate and distraught, showed front-desk staffers photos of their time cards and the hours they had worked that had not been paid. More alleged underground networks of exploitation of Haitian migrants by Haitians who King George hired and compensated for their roles as recruiters, transporters and hustlers. State and Federal officials have launched probes into the alleged human trafficking and fraud operation built by George and his cronies. There are confirmed stories of workers paychecks that never arrived, long hours with no overtime and promises of stability that quickly turned to dust. Some had their Social Security numbers allegedly stolen, while others found their I-9 forms and drug test results faked to keep them in the system. When George answered questions via email, on the expanded investigations by state and federal authorities, he wrote: We have not been notified of an investigation by the AG, Attorney General Yost. Funny math at First Diversity. The average contract worker at First Diversity works 44 hours a week, earns an average pay of about $1,000 per week, and the company employs between 1,800 and 2,000 associates, with an average number of 1,870 employees. The math doesn’t add up: $17 x 40 hours = $680. The average pay of $1,000 – $680 = $320. Overtime is time-and-a-half, or $25.50. So, $320 ÷ $25.50 = 12.5 hours overtime hours. What is little discussed is the fee staffing firms charge for their recruiting and placement services, which is about 30 percent of wages – not to mention revenue from housing, transportation and other services that George arranged through First Diversity and contractors. At an average wage of $17 per hour and an average of four hours of overtime paid at the usual rate of a time-and-a-half, or an average of $25.50, it would only take 4,000 workers to build an empire with the estimated annual gross revenues of $180 million. Either George is underreporting his number of workers, their pay and overtime or another revenue stream. First Diversity exploitation allegedly extended beyond low pay and long hours. They alleged that a staffer had stolen Social Security numbers from workers, compromising their identities and using their information without consent. Other staffers stated they faked drug test results and a form called the I-9, which the Department of Homeland Security’s U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services is used to verify a person’s eligibility to work in the United States. Sometimes a translator would help a worker fill the I-9 form with fraudulent documents, and company leaders intimidated and coerced recruiters to sign off on the I-9, knowing the documentation was fraudulent. In Ohio, companies aren’t obligated to upload documents to E-Verify, a system run by the Department of Homeland Security that is supposed to confirm a person’s employment eligibility through the Social Security Administration. A state legislative effort, H.B. 327, to mandate E-Verify passed the state House in June but didn’t get through the state Senate. First Diversity workers don’t get paid through direct deposit into bank accounts, but rather through a debit card system called rapid! PayCard, run by Rapid Finance, based in Bethesda, Md. George said at one point we did control transporting Haitians to work. It became too much so we outsourced that to third parties. He said: We now farm that out to third parties to transport people to and from work. So, all these people are being paid via check. We’re paying taxes. What is to come from this? Only time will tell. However, you as the reader have a more informed opinion on the events and are free to make decisions as to the issues. .
- 3-part series, the Haitain influx into Springfield
Why are the Citizens of Springfield Concerned?: The TPS Migrant Influx Many are discouraged at how local leaders and NGOs were somehow invested in this surge of TPS Migrants to our City. Take race and ethnicity out of the equation and look only at the facts. First, in 2018 Haiti had a population of 11 million and in comparison, Cuba had 11.3 Million, and the Dominican Republic had 10.3 million. Jovenel Moïse was Haiti's 43rd president from 2017 until his assassination in 2021. During his term, Haiti experienced widespread protests. In the early morning of 7 July 2021, Jovenel Moïse was assassinated. By 2023 Haiti's population was 11.7 million an increase of 700K. The reason for the many Haitians leaving was due to 80% of the country being controlled by gangs. There is political instability, no leadership in charge, and the 2022 Joe Biden administration pledged to provide financial support for a UN-authorized, Kenya-led multinational force to fight Haiti’s powerful gangs, Hence the TPS Status. As of 2022, nearly 731,000 Haitian immigrants resided in the United States. Relocating to America is nothing new. Following the end of the Vietnam War, a large number of refugees from Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos fled to the United States. Cuban Refugees (since the Cuban Revolution in 1959) have led to multiple waves of Cuban refugees seeking asylum in the United States due to political persecution. Refugees from the former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia (1990s) came to America after the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia most refugees were seeking asylum in the United States. Ongoing conflicts and instability in the Middle East and parts of Africa have resulted in a significant number of refugees such as; from Somalia, Iraq, and Afghanistan seeking asylum in the United States, since the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, which is the largest refugee crisis in Europe since World War II. Millions of Ukrainians have been forced to flee their homes due to the ongoing conflict and some came to America. So why is Haitian TPS different from the rest? Much concerns the sheer numbers of Haitians impacting Cities like Springfield. When talking about Cuba, Somalia, and Iraq most assimilated in cities where their culture existed. The distribution of Refugee Populations in the U.S. historically saw refugee populations often settle in cities with pre-existing communities from their countries of origin. For example: Cuban Refugees : Primarily settled in Miami, Tampa, New York, and Union City, New Jersey. Somali Refugees : Dispersed across cities like Minneapolis, Columbus, Lewiston (Maine), San Diego, and Seattle. Vietnamese Refugees: Concentrated in San Jose, Garden Grove, and San Diego (California). Cambodian Refugees : Many settled in Long Beach and Fresno (California). Laotian Refugees : Many settled in San Diego, Fresno, and Sacramento (California). As for the TPS Haitian population, the largest percentage of the Haitian census based on the total city population is Springfield, Ohio, and Washington, Indiana. This is a stark difference from the 1-million-plus population cities where other refugees relocated. The relocation of Haitians to cities and towns with no Haitian familiarity or pre-existing culture was absent. According to ABC News reports the city with the highest percentage of Haitian TPS immigrants based on city population is Springfield, Ohio. The city's Haitian population is estimated to make up a significant portion of its total population, reaching around 20% in some estimates. There is some unknown pull encouraging Haitian TPS to migrate to Springfield, Ohio. What is unknown is that Springfield Ohio has been the Violence and Drug capital of Ohio. In 2015 Springfield led the State of Ohio in Violent crime (per capita) and today is among the top five cities. Springfield led the State in the number of unintentional fentanyl poisonings from 2018 to 2021 (per capita). Springfields' Domestic Violence, Rape, and Sexual Assaults were among the top (per capita) in the State of Ohio between 2018 to 2024. Springfield gun violence and Murder rates were also exceedingly high in this time frame. Springfield’s housing and infrastructure between 2015 and 2022 was in serious decline. What is the allure of Haitians to migrate to Springfield? Who’s behind this influx to a small city with four seasons which is very different from Haiti? Part I of 3, Check in Tuesday Feb 18, 2025 for “the rest of the story” Beth Donahue The Blame Game: Who Wins in Haiti's Crisis? The art of deception, often referred to as bluffing, plays a crucial role in high-stakes situations. In poker, a player with a weak hand can manipulate perceptions by betting aggressively, giving the impression of strength. This tactic hinges on the ability to read opponents and exploit their uncertainties. Similarly, the discourse surrounding Haitian migration to Springfield often resembles a high-stakes poker game. Citizens point fingers at city leaders, who, in turn, deflect responsibility, citing the limits of their authority over federal immigration policies. This, however, appears to be a calculated bluff. While the city may not directly control federal actions, their role in local resource allocation and community integration cannot be dismissed. The lack of transparency and historical context surrounding Haitian migration raises questions about the true motivations behind this deflection, prompting a call to "show their hand." A Legacy of Turmoil: From Duvalier to the Earthquake Understanding the current crisis requires an examination of Haiti's turbulent past. François "Papa Doc" Duvalier's reign (1957-1971) was characterized by a cult of personality, the exploitation of Vodou traditions for political gain, and brutal repression, with estimates of political opponents murdered reaching as high as 60,000 if not more. His son, Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" Duvalier, succeeded him (1971-1986), continuing the legacy of authoritarian rule, corruption, and widespread poverty. The period following Baby Doc's departure in 1986 has been marked by political instability, coups, and a revolving door of leaders. This instability, coupled with endemic corruption, has severely hampered Haiti's development. The devastating 2010 earthquake further exacerbated Haiti's vulnerabilities, creating opportunities for exploitation. The Clinton Foundation's involvement in post-earthquake relief efforts has been the subject of considerable scrutiny. While the Foundation claims to have raised millions for Haiti, questions remain about the efficacy and transparency of their projects. Allegations of "pay-to-play" schemes, where contracts were awarded to donors and friends of the Clintons, raise serious concerns about the prioritization of personal interests over the needs of the Haitian people. Dinesh D’Souza's assessment that "Haitian welfare is not their priority" encapsulates the skepticism surrounding the Clintons' involvement. Reports of underperforming projects, coupled with the continued struggles of the Haitian people, underscore the complex and often problematic role of international aid in Haiti. The ongoing crisis in Haiti, marked by gang violence and political paralysis following the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse in 2021, has created a climate of desperation. The lack of basic necessities, coupled with the breakdown of law and order, has fueled migration flows, including those to Springfield. Timeline of Haiti’s destruction: We must go back in time to come forward to the present. François "Papa Doc" Duvalier ruled Haiti from 1957 to 1971. His son, Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" Duvalier, proceeded to take over and rule from 1971 to 1986. "Papa Doc Duvalier” fostered his cult of personality and claimed that he was the physical embodiment of the island nation. He also revived the traditions of Vodou, later using them to consolidate his power with his claim of being a Vodou priest himself. Haiti's government was one of the most repressive in the Western Hemisphere. During his 14-year rule, he murdered and exiled numerous political opponents; estimates of those killed are as high as 60,000”. Jean-Claude "Baby Doc" Duvalier, succeeded his father as the ruler of Haiti after his Dad died in 1971. "Baby Doc" assumed power, introduced cosmetic changes to his father's regime, and delegated much authority to his advisors. Thousands of Haitians were tortured and killed, and hundreds of thousands fled the country during his presidency. He maintained a notoriously lavish lifestyle (including a state-sponsored US $2 million wedding in 1980) while poverty among his people remained the most widespread of any country in the Western Hemisphere. Since 1986, here is the list of Haitian Government Leaders: Here is a list of the leaders of the Haitian government between 1986 and 2011: Henri Namphy (1986-1988) Leslie Manigat (1988) Prosper Avril (1988-1990) Ertha Pascal-Trouillot (1990-1991) Jean-Bertrand Aristide (1991) Joseph Nerette (1991-1992) Marc Bazin (acting PM) (1992-1993) Jean-Bertrand Aristide (1993-1996) René1 Préval (1996-2000) Jean-Bertrand Aristide (2000-2004) Boniface Alexandre (2004-2006) René Préval (2006-2011) In 2010, a great earthquake impacted Haiti. The 7.0-magnitude earthquake devastated Haiti, killing an estimated 300,000 people. The earthquake presented many opportunities to exploit Haiti by the U.S. Democrats Bill and Hillary Clinton with their “Clinton Foundation. The foundation exploited many Haitians in need. Clinton Foundation-backed Haiti projects, after the 2010 earthquake in the country, didn't live up to expectations. Some involved the hiring of companies owned by foundation donors. Dinesh D’Souza concludes: “I wouldn’t go so far as to say the Clintons don’t care about Haiti. Yet it seems clear that Haitian welfare is not their priority. Their priority is, well, themselves. The Clintons seem to believe in Haitian reconstruction and investment as long as these projects match their private economic interests.” Bill Clinton was deeply involved in Haiti's relief efforts. He served as the United Nations special envoy to Haiti when Hillary Clinton was secretary of state, and, after the earthquake, teamed up with former President George H.W. Bush to form the Clinton Bush Haiti Fund. Bill also was co-chairman with then-Haiti Prime Minister Jean-Max Bellerive of the Interim Haiti Recovery Commission. The Clinton Foundation says it has raised more than $30 million for the country in 2010. In January 2016, a group of Haitians protested outside the Clinton Foundation offices in New York, saying Haiti hadn’t seen any benefit from earthquake aid money. The Washington Post reported in March 2015 on both successes of Clinton-backed projects, such as farming and an entrepreneurship center, and failures, such as an industrial park that hasn’t lived up to its billing in terms of job creation. Some Haitians, as evidenced by some projects in Haiti, would agree that Clinton-backed relief efforts didn’t do enough to help the poor. While others benefited from successful projects, that is evidence of a “pay-to-play” scheme. January 2016, six years after the earthquake, the Clinton Foundation, Bill Clinton, as head of the Interim Haiti Recovery Commission (IHRC), was responsible for $6 billion that came into his hands. He had unlimited control of this money. Six years after the earthquake, not much has changed, and Haiti is in worse condition than it was in 2010. The State Department under Hillary Clinton “directed contracts for the Haitian recovery effort to friends of the Clintons. The State Department worked with the Clinton Foundation to identify and assist friends of former President Bill Clinton who were offering help or seeking assistance in the days immediately following the Jan. 12, 2010, earthquake. At the time, Bill Clinton was U.N. special envoy to Haiti and Hillary Clinton was secretary of state. After Haiti's cataclysmic Jan. 12, 2010, earthquake. Bill Clinton led an effort to raise billions of dollars in aid, not all of which materialized. He promised that, under his watch as co-reconstruction czar, the country would be "building back better." Hillary Clinton made several visits to Haiti as secretary of state, including one with her husband to inaugurate an industrial park she championed. She recruited the park's main tenant. But the park didn't produce the 60,000 pledged jobs, and six years after the quake, Haiti has made little progress. Haiti is more than $2 billion in debt and preparing for a re-run of its 2015 presidential elections. It was noted that ABC News found out that Hillary Clinton’s senior aides directed contracts for the Haitian recovery effort after the terrible earthquake in Haiti to friends of the Clintons. Pay and play politics at its worst. In addition to being the U.N. special envoy to Haiti, Bill Clinton was also co-chairman with then-Haiti Prime Minister Jean-Max Bellerive of the Interim Haiti Recovery Commission in which Bill Clinton referred his friends to a USAID website set up for people who want to donate to help with international disasters. One company by name had ties to the Clinton Foundation. Digicel, a Jamaica-based telecom firm. With CEO Denis O’Brien, who identifies as a longtime donor to the Clinton Foundation. O’Brien gave between $10 million and $25 million to the foundation. After the 2010 earthquake, O’Brien was involved in commercial development projects including restoring the Iron Market and building a new Marriott, both in Port-au-Prince. The Clinton Foundation said that it “facilitated” the agreement between Marriott and Digicel for the construction of the hotel, which opened in 2015. In 2016, The Wall Street Journal reported that under the Obama administration, ICE is holding over 40,000 Haitian people, and ICE reported that this year (2016) more than 5,000 Haitian immigrants have already crossed the Mexican border with hopes of entering the U.S. Once Haitian immigrants seeking asylum present themselves at U.S. ports of entry, they’re usually handed over to ICE and detained until they can be deported, according to the newspaper. Trump in 2017 is in an election battle with Hillary Clinton. Haitian Americans are already skeptical about Hillary Clinton. Many still feel seething anger toward Hillary Clinton and her husband/former President Bill Clinton over their political and philanthropic involvement in Haiti. In 2010, Hillary Clinton, then secretary of state, flew to Haiti and pressured then-President René Préval to remove his party's candidate, Jude Célestin, from the runoff. Some Haitians believe that the interference eventually led to the election of Michel Martelly, a controversial president who left office in May without an elected successor. The Clintons, who honeymooned in Haiti in 1975, have a political relationship with the country dating back more than 20 years when then-President Bill Clinton returned and aided the return of ousted Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide to Haiti. During Bill’s presidency, The Clintons destroyed the rice in Haiti. Bill and Hillary Clinton also supported trade policies that wiped out Haiti's rice farming. This brings us to Jovenel Moïse who was Haiti's 43rd president from 2017 until his assassination in 2021. During his term, Haiti experienced widespread protests. In the early morning of 7 July 2021, Jovenel Moïse was assassinated. Since then all hell has broken out in Haiti. As of today, 80% of the country is being controlled by gangs. There is political instability, no leadership in charge, and the 2022 Joe Biden administration pledged to provide financial support for a UN-authorized, Kenya-led multinational force to fight Haiti’s powerful gangs. The Allure of Springfield: A Complex Web of Factors Haiti's dire socio-economic conditions, including widespread poverty, limited access to education, and the persistence of exploitative systems like the restavek system, contribute significantly to outward migration.The World Bank estimates that 80% of the Haitian population lives on less than $2 per day. Dr. Diane Gorgas's observations about the correlation between nutrition, infectious disease, and cognitive development (IQ) highlight the profound challenges facing Haiti. These factors, combined with the instability and violence plaguing the nation, create a powerful impetus for Haitians to seek a better future elsewhere. The legal framework for Haitian migration to the U.S. is often facilitated through Temporary Protected Status (TPS). TPS offers temporary protection from deportation to individuals already present in the U.S. who are nationals of designated countries experiencing specific crises. It is crucial to understand that TPS is not a path to permanent residency and requires individuals to meet specific eligibility criteria and re-register periodically. The availability of TPS, while offering a temporary reprieve, does not address the root causes of Haitian migration. The question of "how did the Haitians get to Springfield?" is multifaceted. While TPS provides a legal avenue for some, other factors, such as family connections, social networks, and the perceived opportunities in Springfield, likely play a significant role. Understanding these complex motivations requires further investigation and a nuanced approach that moves beyond simplistic narratives. Factors influencing behavior: psychological, social, cultural, environmental, and personal First, Haiti is a nation lacking both mandatory education and a social safety net. Contaminated well water is all the majority of Haitians have to drink. The overwhelming majority of Haitians reaching the age of 17 have a fourth-grade education. The restavek system is a form of child slavery that exists in Haiti. Children, usually from poor families, are sent to live with wealthier families where they work as domestic servants. In exchange for their labor, they are supposed to receive food, shelter, and sometimes education. However, in many cases, restavek children are exploited and abused. They often work long hours, are denied education, and suffer physical, emotional, and sexual abuse. While significant efforts have been made to combat the restavek system in Haiti, it sadly persists in 2025. Haiti is a country where 80 percent of the population lives on less than $2 per day, according to the World Bank Group. Dr. Diane Gorgas, an emergency physician at the Ohio State University Medical Center stated in 2011 on a visit to Haiti “Research shows a strong correlation between a country’s nutritional status, the prevalence of infectious diseases, and its average national IQ. The world’s population has demonstrated an increase in IQ of about three points every 10 years. This phenomenon, known as the Flynn Effect, has been directly connected to the ability of a society to control and help eradicate pediatric infections. She goes on to say, “It is imperative that we continue to support efforts in developing countries to increase their standard of living, water safety, and general nutritional status if we expect them to develop into self-reliant nations”. Lastly, she states, “A local population with well-developed, strong brains empowers the potential for independence from financial benefactors such as the United States.” For seven days in February 2011, Dr. Diane Gorgas worked in a clinic in Fort Liberte, Haiti, where she and other medical volunteers treated nearly 1,000 Haitians. As David Byrne (Talking Heads) said “Well, how did I get here?” from the song “Once in a Lifetime, the same must be asked, how did the Haitians get to Springfield? Below is the legal justification. The U.S. Temporary Protected Status (TPS) application process is for people who are already present in the United States. You must be present in the U.S. to apply for TPS. You cannot apply from your home country or at a U.S. port of entry. The application process involves submitting Form I-821 and supporting evidence to USCIS. 1. Eligibility: You must be a national of a country designated for TPS (or have no nationality and last habitually resided in a designated country). You must have been continuously physically present in the U.S. since the effective date of the most recent designation for your country. You must have continuously resided in the U.S. since a date specified by the Secretary of Homeland Security. You must meet other eligibility criteria, such as not being inadmissible to the U.S. for certain criminal or security reasons. 2. Application: Once your country is designated for TPS, you can apply by submitting Form I-821, Application for Temporary Protected Status, to the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS). You'll need to provide evidence to support your application, such as proof of identity, nationality, and continuous residence in the U.S. There is a filing fee associated with the application, but fee waivers may be available for those who qualify. 3. Biometrics Appointment: USCIS will likely schedule you for a biometrics appointment to collect your fingerprints and photographs. 4. Adjudication: USCIS will review your application and evidence to determine your eligibility for TPS. This process may take several months. 5. Approval or Denial: If your application is approved, you will be granted TPS, which includes protection from deportation and the ability to obtain a work permit. If your application is denied, you may be able to appeal the decision. Important Notes: There is a specific registration period for each TPS designation. You must apply within this period to be considered. TPS is temporary. You must re-register periodically to maintain your status. TPS is not a path to permanent residency: TPS does not lead to a green card or citizenship. However, it can provide a safe haven for individuals who cannot return to their home country due to dangerous conditions. Who or what is behind this influx to Springfield? Check in Wednesday Feb 19, 2025 for the final chapter. Post 2 of 3 Beth Donahue 1 Diederich, B. (1986). Papa Doc: The truth about the tontons macoutes . Rutgers University Press. 2 Abbott, E. (1988). Haiti: The Duvaliers and their legacy . McGraw-Hill. 3 See list of Haitian government leaders between 1986 and 2011. ( https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_heads_of_state_of_Haiti ) 4 The Clinton Foundation and their Haiti projects. (Donald Trump to meet in Miami with skeptical Haitian Americans, By Miami Herald, Patricia Mazzei, Miami Herald Writer, Sept. 16, 2016 https://www.tampabay.com/news/politics/stateroundup/donald-trump-to-meet-in-miami-with-skeptical-haitian-americans/2293855/ ) 5 D'Souza, Dinesh. Hillary's America: The Secret History of the Democratic Party. Regnery Publishing, 2016. 6 Clinton Foundation: ( https://www.democracynow.org/2016/1/13/headlines/nyc_protesters_target_bill_clinton_over_conditions_in_haiti_6_years_after_earthquake ) 7 The Washington Post article on Clinton-backed projects in Haiti. ( https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/fact-checker/wp/2016/06/13/did-the-clinton-foundation-raise-hundreds-of-millions-of-dollars-for-a-hospital-in-haiti-that-was-never-built/ ) 8 See reports on the assassination of Jovenel Moïse and the subsequent crisis in Haiti. (BBC, January 31, 2023 “Haiti president's assassination: What we know so far” https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-57762246 ) 9 See reports on the restavek system in Haiti. ( http://jeanrcadet.org/ , the Jean R. Cadet Restavek Organization) 10 The World Bank. Haiti. Retrieved from [World Bank website] 11 Gorgas, D. (2011). (Medical aid in Haiti shows plight of its kids Dr. Diane Gorgas, For The Columbus Dispatch; https://www.dispatch.com/story/lifestyle/health-fitness/2011/07/31/medical-aid-in-haiti-shows/23624459007/ ) 12 U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services. Temporary Protected Status. Retrieved from [ https://www.uscis.gov/ ]
- Donahue and Koehler Speak at Commission Meeting
A tale of 2 Republicans going in different directions January 28, 2025 City Commissioners Meeting Beth Donahue for City Commissioner - REPUBLICAN! The Springfield Police Department produces annual Crime Reports, yet the last time the City made these reports public was in 1980. Disclosure of crime statistics is based on Ohio public record law (ORC 149.43), this gives all citizens the right to access government records and meetings AND for the police division, this includes all crime data reports. I want to see the Annual Police Department's Crime Statistics and arrest report made publicly available now! The City of Springfield established the Community Police Advisory Team (CAPT) Our Police Chief meets regularly with this group and yet Citizens have never seen ANY of the organizations reports, meeting agendas or recommendations. I want to see the records of all meetings and information from these CAPT meetings made public now! On July 2nd, 2024, Mayor YOU stated at the commission meeting The City formed a group of select city officials to look into how to handle the increase of TPS migrants. Again, any time publicly elected officials meet to discuss plans for the city which concerns it's citizens - it needs to be on public record, notes and conversations. - I want to see these made publicly available NOW. Mayor you stated to WHIO-TV February 2024, The city is paying attention to gun violence. The city cares about this. Then Jason Via States: We have been working for months behind the scenes with community partners on this particular problem. I'm fed up with NGOs doing work on this issue, it’s time to stop pawing off your responsibility for dealing with these issues. There are 9 - NGO's are working on this issue - What the heck are you doing? I want to see every single note, memo, plan, and advice made by these groups made public now! AND since you failed to want to be accountable for the safety of the citizens of Springfield and place it in the hands of the OIC Community violence intervention coordinator ..another NGO, I want to see I want to see every single note, memo, plan, and advisement made by the OIC Community violence intervention coordinator NOTE: the day after this 3-min speach: "Two teens are in jail and facing charges after bringing guns to a Springfield school (OIC)". Wednesday January 29, 2025 SOURCE: https://www.springfieldnewssun.com/crime/2-teens-facing-charges-for-bringing-guns-to-springfield-school/6MBC2LMWFBFUZHOFLFRJ2DI52Y/ According to Springfield police, at around 9 a.m. on Wednesday, officers were called to the Opportunities for Individual Change (OIC) school at 10 S. Yellow Springs Street after a school resource officer found a firearm in a backpack. So much for giving 3-million dollars to OIC to bring down youth gun violence. I'm fed up with you Democrats, Mayor Rue, City Manager Heck, City Commissioners Houston and Brown. I want transparency and I want results
- 2024 Springfield Crime Report
Come join SDVC Tuesday January 28, 2025 at 1:00 PM at the Springfield downtown main library Here is a copy of the program - Read along and have a topic to discuss. PDF Report and PDF Powerpoint Report Powerpoint
- THE YEAR IN REVIEW 2024 CRIME IN SPRINGFIELD
January 1 - December 31, 2024 January 28, 2025 ***TIME CHANGE TO 1:00 PM In a 1913 article, Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis wrote: "Sunlight is said to be the best of disinfectants; electric light the most efficient policeman." The phrase is a metaphor for how transparency and openness in information are the best ways to prevent corruption, unethical behavior, and mismanagement. Just as sunlight can illuminate dark corners and reveal hidden problems, transparency can also expose and eliminate corruption. The majority of cities in every state publish or post on the internet their city's yearly crime report, a report that typically mirrors the FBI Uniform Crime Reports (UCR). These reports allow a community to gauge the current state of crime and allow citizens to see any directional movement in crime numbers from past reported numbers. However, not since 1980 has a representative of the City of Springfield published any report on crime. The City of Springfield's last annual crime report was submitted to the public in 1980. The Office of Justice Programs has made a copy of the 1979 report available below. https://www.ojp.gov/pdffiles1/Digitization/70163NCJRS.pdf Please join SDVC January 28, 2025 as we present: THE YEAR IN REVIEW 2024 CRIME IN SPRINGFIELD, OHIO January 1 - December 31, 2024 This report presents official documented criminal victimizations. Data was sourced from Prosecutorial data, SPD report data, Clark County Municipal Court records and from the public records of the Clerk of Courts of Clark County, Ohio. The presentation dives into statistics on fatal felony crimes and nonfatal violent crimes (murder, nonnegligent manslaughter, forcible rape, robbery, and aggravated assault), property crimes (burglary, vandalism, trespassing, motor vehicle theft) and other types of theft (household, commercial, white collar and shoplifting) . In addition, the report covers other crimes against persons (domestic violence, menacing, stalking and strangulation) . Lastly, the report covers all drug related crimes and gun related crimes . The report also describes the characteristics of criminal offenders such as age, sex, race/ethnicity and residence of criminal offenders.
- SPRINGFIELD RAPE
City of Springfield, Ohio Commissioners Meeting December 31, 2024 Hello my name is Beth Donahue I would like Police Chief Allison Elliot to provide answers to my questions today. I believe failure to provide answers to my questions TODAY indicates a failure in Springfield Commissioners leadership and in the leadership of the Springfield Police Department . THE TOPIC IS REPORTED RAPES IN SPRINGFIELD Reported rapes have increased in Springfield every year since 2019. In 2023. Springfield ranked 6th in the state for reported rape, per capita (by City per 100K). As of December 1, 2024: Springfield ranks 2nd in the state for reported rape per capita. In 2023 Springfield ranked (1st) in the State of Ohio in reported rape of women 14 and under, per capita, with 47 young girls reporting being raped. The clearance rate for those reported rapes in 2023 was 0% (zero percent) My Questions to the Mayor and Chief Elliot is: Q1. What is the count of reported rapes from January 1st 2024 to the end of November 2024. Q2. What is the count of those reported rapes that have cleared - is it 1 out 20…. 2 of 20 ???? I can provide data and sources for all statistics cited - I hope the city of springfield will do the same today
- SERIAL DOMESTIC VIOLENCE OFFENDERS
Follow along and download the white paper